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VOLUME 6 (2004), ISSUE 11 (YEARLY), EDITORIAL
FAMILY AS THE FIRST COMMUNITY
Maya
David
Maya
Khemlani DAVID is the Chair of the TISR Editorial Board and a Professor of Sociolinguistics at the
Alfred
Cheung-Ming CHAN is the Director of the Asia-Pacific Institute for Ageing Studies of
Dear readers,
In May 2004 the First International Conference of The Social Capital Foundation was held. The conference focused on an important subject, the Family, posing the pertinent question: The Future of Family: Recomposition or Decomposition? In
effect, the family link is a primal and most important link that
binds people together within society. Realizing the importance of the
family in promoting pro-social behavior within society, the United Nations
declared 1994 “The Year of the Family”. However, the family as a unit
is today threatened by societal, cultural and economic impacts
that appear in some societies to disrupt it or dissolve it. This is
largely due to the rise in individualist ideologies.
This
TSCF conference focused on the vigor of family in our societies: is the
concept of family profoundly struck in the past, or is it restructuring
itself? Does marriage have a future? What is the place for elderly people
in the family landscape? How do we manage the education of adolescents in
a context where they seem to be more and more, and earlier and earlier,
subject to the pressures of adult society? Should we do something to have
firmer family bonds, and if so, what should be done?
American
sociologist John Macionis presented the family as a “social
institution” found in all societies that unites people into cooperative
groups to oversee the bearing and raising of children. Family ties are
fundamentally linked with kinship, a social bond based on blood, marriage, or
adoption. Although all societies contain families, exactly who people call
their kin has varied though history, and varies today from one culture to
another. Throughout the world, families form around marriage, a legally
sanctioned relationship involving economic cooperation, sexual activity
and child-bearing that people expect to be enduring. Through marriage, the
family links its members with members of other different social
institutions, and in addition it provides protection and security to its
immediate members. In the traditional school of thought the family’s
main functions are the reproduction of the young, physical and spiritual
maintenance of family members, social placement of the child,
socialization and social control. It is also through the family that
children learn about their culture and values, including religious and
moral values.
In any case, over the 50
last years in the industrial countries, the rituals of family life, the
wife-husband roles, the place of the elderly, and the role of authority in
the parents-children relations have been deeply altered. The size of
families has dropped dramatically, the number of marriages has fallen, the
number of divorces has exploded, interethnic and same-sex couples have
appeared, and various forms of alternative relationships have developed.
The slaves, it seems, have set themselves free from the traditional bonds
of family - and we are now struggling with all the bewildering and
bracing consequences of that freedom.
José
Veira’s article published in this issue looks at this changing
institution of family in
Another
aspect of the contemporary developments is examined by Norman Linzer in
this issue. In 2004, gays and lesbians in
Intergenerational
relationships are a crucial aspect of the family link. In effect, one of
the major functions of family is to transmit moral values and feelings of
identity from one generation to another one. In a cohesive society with a
successful inter-generational link, the elderly are necessarily praised,
and the values they transmitted are resumed by younger generations. While
in pre-industrial societies people recognized the extended family as a
family unit that includes parents and children as well as other kin, in
industrial societies the nuclear family (which is a family unit composed
of one or two parents and their children) emerged. Children move out from
their family home once they feel they are adult enough to do so and
parents are subsequently left to their own devices. Moreover,
individualist self-accomplishment values lead and have led the younger
generations to reject or underrate the heritage of the older generations
and to devalue the biological, cultural and moral link linking them to
their ancestors. And when the older living generation starts to become
more and more isolated, they become forgotten people, although they have
contributed to the development of the younger generation.
The intergenerational link can be all the more weak because the ethnic composition of the different generations becomes different. In this case, biological, cultural, or linguistic identification with the former generations becomes much more complex and difficult. What happens for example when grand (or great-grand) children of immigrants adopt a different language and/or lose their mother tongue, due to assimilation (or acculturation for that matter)? How do they communicate with their grandparents, when their proficiency in different languages is different and their zone of comfortability and use is in different languages? Maya David's article, “Strengths in immigrant family communication: focus on Malaysian Sindhis”, shows that the elders in that community have appeared to have accommodated to the use of a non-ethnic language by the younger generation. As for the young, the major communicative strategy used is shifting languages and using code switches i.e. a mixture of languages in their discourse. The dominant language in the code switch used by younger community members is English. The English language has been reported to be the strongest language of second-generation immigrants to Western Anglophone societies yet even in Malaysia this seems to be the case for the second generation Malaysian Sindhis. It cannot be denied however that due to the varying proficiency levels in different languages the amount and intensity of the discourse between grandparents and grandchildren has to some extent suffered. Filial
piety has been regarded as an ancient virtue of the Chinese and is central
to the social organization and governance of Chinese society. In
their first article in this issue, Chan et coll. examine the recent
changes of filial piety (due to process of urbanization and
industrialization, longer life expectancy and changes in government
policy) in Chinese societies (Hong Kong and Beijing). They show the
far-reaching implications of these changes on elder care policies and on
the share model between family and state on elderly care.
Interestingly, Klaus Deimel’s article raises the question of the impact of weak
intergenerational relationships over the economy. In effect, he studies
the problems inherent to succession in family-owned businesses in a region
of Germany. The current literature on this topic mentions severe problems which
have the potential to make the transmittal of businesses more difficult,
and thus endanger their economic viability. Especially a lack of trust in
the successors and a hesitation to share the management power at the
incumbents, as well as divergent individual desires of self-accomplishment
at the successors are reported to be sources of severe troubles in the
succession process. If the persons involved in this process fail to
overcome those problems, the success of generational succession is
endangered. As a result, the family business as a strong
linkage between the generations in entrepreneurial families may cease to
exist.
In
the final article in this issue a team of researchers in Hong Kong, Alfred Chan and his collaborators focus on the elderly, and explain the
meaning of care for older Chinese caregivers in their article, “The
meaning of care for older Chinese caregivers: an exploratory model of
positive caring.” As an accepted notion in psychology, motivation sets
people into motion, and this is what this team of researchers attempt to
demonstrate in their study: by explaining the older person’s motivation
in wanting to care for their partners. They explain that while pre care-giving conditions like
the ability to reduce expectations to match with reality, seeking actively
for solutions, etc. are essential for care-givers in generating meanings
to care, such cognitive ability has a limit when health or other adverse
conditions affect the care-givers’ ability to care. At this point
tangible and emotional support and external positive reinforcement (social
support) would encourage their commitment in care-giving. The
writers discuss two preliminary but comprehensive models to describe and
categorize this “cycle of positive caring experience”
At
the TSCF First International Conference, debates enhanced the conflict between family values on the one hand
(integrating children and elderly, favoring marital stability), and
materialistic/individualistic values (having more income, living for
oneself) on the other hand. They stressed that not only
the family link helps strengthen the community link, but that reciprocally
it takes a strong community link to maintain a robust family link. This is
reflected in an African proverb that says: “It takes a village to raise a
child”. Meanwhile,
it appears that lawmakers facilitate all the
time more the weakening of the family link (e.g. loosening the conditions
for divorce), and hence contribute to its further disintegration, while
they ignore the exact determinants and fallouts of the processes they
contribute to push forward. The role of scientific knowledge should be
increased here so as to bring more clarity and responsibility in the
public settlement of these issues. Families too are somewhat isolated when faced
with such private difficulties and transitions. They would need more
social support, best practice, as well as intergenerational mentoring
(“Why did the marriage work?”).Various tools for prevention such as preparation to marriage are possible.
Copyright © The Social Capital Foundation 2003, All Rights Reserved
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